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JayLyricz's blog: "IMPORTANT"

created on 08/23/2007  |  http://fubar.com/important/b119364
I JUST BEEN THINKING LATELY BOUT SOMEONE THAT I REALLY SCREWED UP BAD AN TOOK HER FOR GRANTED I THOUGHT BOUT HOW MESSED UP THAT WAS B/C I REALLY DIDNT WANNA END IT WIT HER I JUST LET OTHER THANGS ENTER MY MIND NORMALLY I WOULD BLOCK IT OUT AN DONT LET IT GET TO ME BUT FOR SOME ODD REASON IT DID IM SO PAYING THE PRICE NOW FOR IT B/C SHE REALLY DIDNT DO NE THING WRONG IF YOU COULD HEARD HER ON THE PHONE THE WAY I ENDED WIT HER SHE WAS UPSET TORN APART OVA IT SHE WAS THE ONE I WAS REALLY INTO AND REALLY LOVE TO BE WIT EVERY MOMENT I CAN I WAS HAPPY THATS SOMETHING BEEN PUZZLE ME SINCE THEN I STILL THINK BOUT HER AND THINK BOUT HOW ASHAME I WAS FOR DOING THAT TO HER THAT NOT HOW I AM I DONT KNOW WHAT CAME OF ME FOR DOING THAT BUT NOW I GOTTA NOT DO THAT AGAIN IF I EVER GET ANOTHER CHANCE TO BE HAPPY AGAIN
Photo Sharing and Video Hosting at Photobucket Since early 2003, Sudanese government soldiers and their proxy militia, known as the Janjaweed, have fought rebel groups in the western region of Darfur. Initially, the government strategy largely involved systematic assaults against civilians from the same ethnic groups as the rebel forces. The targeted victims have been mostly from the Fur, Zaghawa, and Masaalit ethnic groups. Hundreds of thousands of civilians have died from violence, disease, and starvation, and thousands of women have been raped. More than 2.5 million civilians have been driven from their homes, their villages torched and property stolen. Thousands of villages have been systematically destroyed and more than 230,000 people have fled to neighboring Chad. But most of those displaced are trapped inside Darfur. Although large-scale government attacks against civilians have declined since 2005, millions remain at risk. Most of the displaced are not returning home for fear that their villages will be attacked again. The Sudanese government still bears primary responsibility for the danger to civilians, but the increasing fragmentation of the rebel groups and their use of violence have contributed to the high level of insecurity. Darfur is home to more than 30 ethnic groups, all of which are Muslim. The Janjaweed militias—recruited, armed, trained, and supported by the Sudanese government—are drawn from several of the groups in Darfur who identify themselves as Arab. They have used racial and ethnic slurs while attacking and raping the targeted groups. The Khartoum-based government's use of ethnically and racially targeted violence in Darfur resembles similar actions in southern Sudan before a tenuous 2005 peace agreement ended conflict there. Governmentsponsored actions in both regions have included: INFLAMING ethnic conflict IMPEDING international humanitarian access, resulting in deadly conditions of life for displaced civilians BOMBING civilians from aircraft MURDERING and RAPING civilians Because of substantial evidence that "acts of genocide or related crimes against humanity were occurring or immediately threatened," in 2004 the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum declared a Genocide Emergency for Darfur. That same year, the U.S. government determined that genocide had been committed in Darfur. In January 2005, the UN Commission of Inquiry concluded that "crimes against humanity and war crimes have been committed in Darfur and may be no less serious and heinous then genocide." In March 2005, the UN Security Council asked the International Criminal Court to investigate the Darfur situation. The court has issued arrest warrants for a high-ranking Sudanese government official and a militia leader on charges of crimes against humanity. Photo Sharing and Video Hosting at Photobucket Note: Brian Steidle, a former U.S. Marine, was a member of the African Union team monitoring the conflict in Darfur, where he took hundreds of photographs documenting atrocities. Our helicopter touched down in a cloud of camel-brown sand, dust and plastic debris. As the cloud gradually settled into new layers on the bone-dry desert landscape, we could make out the faces of terrified villagers. "Welcome to Sudan," I murmured to myself, grabbing my pen and waterproof notebook. A former Marine, I had arrived in Sudan's Darfur region in September 2004 as one of three U.S. military observers for the African Union, armed only with a pen, pad and camera. The mandate for the A.U. force allowed merely for the reporting of violations of a cease-fire that had been declared last April and the protection of observers. The observers sometimes joked morbidly that our mission was to search endlessly for the cease-fire we constantly failed to find. I soon realized that this was no joke. The conflict had begun nearly 1 1/2 years earlier and had escalated into a full-scale government-sponsored military operation that, with the support of Arab militias known as the Janjaweed, was aimed at annihilating the African tribes in the region. And while the cease-fire was supposed to have put a stop to that, on an almost daily basis we would be called to investigate reports of attacks on civilians. We would find men, women and children tortured and killed, and villages burned to the ground. Photo Sharing and Video Hosting at Photobucket Refugees in Menawashi, Darfur. Approximately 7,000 came to Menawashi in just a few days. Photo Sharing and Video Hosting at Photobucket Stores that were looted by the government of Sudan soldiers in Marla. Photo Sharing and Video Hosting at Photobucket The first photograph I took in Darfur was of a tiny child, Mihad Hamid. She was only a year old when I found her. Her mother had attempted to escape an onslaught from helicopter gunships and Janjaweed marauders that had descended upon her village of Alliet in October 2004. Carrying her daughter in a cloth wrapped around her waist, as is common in Sudan, Mihad's terrified mother had run from her attackers. But a bullet had rung out through the dry air, slicing through Mihad's flesh and puncturing her lungs. When I discovered the child, she was nestled in her mother's lap, wheezing in a valiant effort to breathe. With watery eyes, her mother lifted Mihad for me to examine. Most Sudanese villagers assume that a khawadja -- a foreigner -- must be a doctor. And my frantic efforts to signal to her to lay her struggling daughter back down only convinced her that I had medical advice to dispense. It broke my heart to be able to offer her only a prayer and a glance of compassion, as I captured this casualty with my camera and notepad. I pledged, with the linguistic help of our team's Chadian mediator, that we would alert the aid organizations poised to respond. "This is what they do," the mediator -- a neutral party to the conflict -- screamed at me. "This is what happens here! Now you know! Now you see!" I was unaware at that time that when the aid workers arrived the next day, amid continued fighting, they would never be able to locate Mihad. Mihad now represents to me the countless victims of this vicious war, a war that we documented but given our restricted mandate were unable to stop. Every day we surveyed evidence of killings: men castrated and left to bleed to death, huts set on fire with people locked inside, children with their faces smashed in, men with their ears cut off and eyes plucked out, and the corpses of people who had been executed with gunshots to the head. We spoke with thousands of witnesses -- women who had been gang-raped and families that had lost fathers, people who plainly and soberly gave us their accounts of the slaughter. Often we were the witnesses. Just two days after I had taken Mihad's photo, we returned to Alliet. While talking to a government commander on the outskirts of the town, we heard a buzz that sounded like a high-voltage power line. Upon entering the village, we saw that the noise was coming from flies swarming over dead animals and people. We counted about 20 dead, many burned, and then flew back to our camp to write our report. But the smell of charred flesh was hard to wash away. The conflict in Darfur is not a battle between uniformed combatants, and it knows no rules of war. Women and children bear the greatest burden. The Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camps are filled with families that have lost their fathers. Every day, women are sent outside the IDP camps to seek firewood and water, despite the constant risk of rape at the hands of the Janjaweed. Should men be available to venture out of the camps, they risk castration and murder. So families decide that rape is the lesser evil. It is a crime that families even have to make such a choice. Often women are sexually assaulted within the supposed safety of the IDP camps. Nowhere is really safe. If and when the refugees are finally able to return home and rebuild, many women may have to support themselves alone; rape victims are frequently ostracized, and others face unwanted pregnancies and an even greater burden of care. The Janjaweed militias do not act alone. I have seen clear evidence that the atrocities committed in Darfur are the direct result of the Sudanese government's military collaboration with the militias. Attacks are well coordinated by Sudanese government officials and Arab militias, who attack villages together. Before these attacks occur, the cell phone systems are shut down by the government so that villagers cannot warn each other. Whenever we lost our phone service, we would scramble to identify the impending threat. We knew that somewhere, another reign of terror was about to begin. Helicopter gunships belonging to the government routinely support the Arab militias on the ground. The gunships fire anti-personnel rockets that contain flashettes, or small nails, each with stabilizing fins on the back so the point hits the target first. Each gunship contains four rocket pods, each rocket pod contains about 20 rockets and each rocket contains about 500 of these flashettes. Flashette wounds look like shotgun wounds. I saw one small child's back that looked as if it had been shredded by a cheese grater. We got him to a hospital, but we did not expect him to live. On many of the occasions we tried to investigate these attacks, we would find that fuel for our helicopters was mysteriously unavailable. We would receive unconvincing explanations from the Sudanese government's fuel company -- from "we are out of fuel" to "our fuel pumps are broken." At the same time, government helicopters continued to strafe villages unimpeded. Those villagers who were able to escape flocked to existing IDP camps, where they would scrounge for sticks and plastic bags to construct shelter from the sun and wind. In even these desperate situations, however, the Sudanese government would not give up its murderous mission. First it would announce the need to relocate an IDP camp and assess the population of displaced people, often grossly underestimating the numbers. Then after international aid organizations had built a new, smaller camp, the government would forcibly relocate the population, leaving hundreds to thousands without shelter. It would bulldoze or drive over the old camps with trucks, often in the middle of the night in order to escape notice. It would then gather up and burn the remaining debris. The worst thing I saw came last December, when Labado, a village of 20,000 people, was burned to the ground. We rushed there after a rebel group contacted us, and we arrived while the attack was still in progress. At the edge of the village, I found a Sudanese general who explained why he was doing nothing to stop the looting and burning. He said his job was to protect civilians and keep the road open to commercial traffic and denied that his men were participating in the attack. Then a group of uniformed men drove by in a Toyota Land Cruiser. The general said they were just going to get water, but they stopped about 75 yards away, jumped out, looted a hut and burned it. The attacks continued for a week. We have no idea how many people died there but tribal leaders later said close to 100 were missing. Photo Sharing and Video Hosting at Photobucket A government soldier who began burning the food storage of the villagers in Marla Photo Sharing and Video Hosting at Photobucket Genocide in Darfur A displaced mother with her sick child at the hospital in El Fasher in the western region of Darfur in Sudan, June 25, 2004. RELATED LINKS: Sudan:Darfur Overview:http://www.ushmm.org/conscience/alert/darfur/contents/01-overview/

----MISSING TEEN----

Endangered Runaway megan.jpg Case Type: Endangered Runaway Name: Megan Elizabeth Francis Welch DOB: Mar 10, 1993 Age Now: 14 Missing Date: Aug 13, 2007 Missing City: LAUREL Missing State : MD Missing Country: United States Race: White Sex: Female Height: 5'6" (168 cm) Weight: 140 lbs (64 kg) Hair Color: Brown Eye Color: Hazel Case Number: USMD070078656 Circumstances: Subject is missing from Laurel, Howard County, Maryland. Subject is known to wear a gold chain with a "Star of David". Subject may be in the company of a Hispanic male by the first name of Javier and in a Red Chevy Camaro ANYONE HAVING INFORMATION SHOULD CONTACT Maryland Center for Missing Children 1-800-637-5437 (1-800-MDS-KIDS) Howard County PD, 410-313-2929, Det. Markley or Det. Perry Click here to see the poster on the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children. http://www.missingkids.com/missingkids/servlet/PubCaseSearchServlet?act=viewChildDetail&caseNum=070078656&orgPrefix=USMD&seqNum=1&caseLang=en_US&searchLang=en_US
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